Suchergebnisse

Talouspakotteiden kaksi tarinaa : miten Venäjän vastaiset talouspakotteet on legitimoitu talousmedioissa. Tämän pro gradu -tutkielman päämääränä on selvittää, miten talouspakotteita käsitellään Suomen ja Venäjän suosituissa talouslehdissä. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu suomalaisen Talouselämä ja venäläisen Kommersant -talouslehtien artikkeleista, jotka on julkaistu ajalla maaliskuu 2014 ja maaliskuu 2015. Tässä pro gradu -tutkielmassa vastataan tutkimuskysymykseen mitä diskursiivisia legitimaatiostrategioita on käytetty Venäjän vastaisten talouspakotteiden legitimaatiossa valituissa talouslehtien artikkeleissa? Tutkimussuuntauksena käytän kriittistä diskurssianalyysiä, joka tutkii, miten diskurssirakenteet vahvistavat, oikeuttavat, toistavat tai haastavat valtasuhteita yhteiskunnassa. (van Dijk 2001, 353.) Venäjän talouspakotekeskustelu on aiheena ajankohtainen, sillä Venäjän vastaisten talouspakotteiden vaikutus näkyy vieläkin kansainvälisessä kaupassa ja yhteistyössä.Pro gradu koostuu neljästä keskeisestä osasta, joista ensimmäinen on teoreettinen viitekehys, jota seuraa työn toinen osa, metodikappale, sen jälkeen analyysin tulokset sekä päätäntäkappale. Tulokset paljastavat kaksi tarinaa legitimaatioprosessista Venäjän vastaisista talouspakotteista suomalaisesta ja venäläisestä näkökulmasta. Legitimaation ajatellaan olevan prosessi, jossa puhujat tunnistavat positiivista, hyödyllistä ja sosiaalista käyttäytymistä tietyssä tilanteessa. (Vaara ja Tienari 2008, Vaara 2009, van Dijk 1998, Van Leeuwen ja Wodak 1999, Reyes 2011, 782.) Vaaran ja Moninin (2010, 6) mukaan delegitimaatio sen sijaan tarkoittaa negatiivisen, moraalisesti tai muuten epäsopivan toiminnan tunnistamista ja käsittelyä. Kriittisen diskurssianalyysin tulokset osoittavat, että suomalainen diskurssi keskittyy rationaaliseen ajatteluun ja talouspakotteiden vaikutukseen talouteen. Suomen on oltava Euroopan Unionin mukana yhteisellä pakoterintamalla, sillä Krimin liittäminen Venäjään rikkoo kansainvälisiä oikeuksia valtion koskemattomuudesta. Venäläisessä Kommersant-lehden diskurssissa sen sijaan esiintyy, kuinka talouspakotteet eivät vaikuta Venäjän ulkopolitiikkaan. Monet artikkeleista poimitut sitaatit osoittavat, että Venäjän viranomaiset selittävät pakotteiden positiivista vaikutusta Venäjän talouteen. Tämän pro gradu -tutkielman tulokset auttavat ymmärtämään Venäjän vastaisia pakotteita ja niiden vaikutusta laajemmin diskursseihin ja kansainvälisen kaupankäynnin onnistumiseen, sillä aihe on vieläkin suhteellisen tuore, eikä aikaisempia tutkimuksia juuri suomalaisesta ja venäläisestä näkökulmasta ole vielä julkaistu. ; The focus of the present study is to find out how economic sanctions are discussed in two popular economic journals. This is done by examining the discursive de/legitimation strategies and discourses in the chosen Finnish and Russian journals using critical discourse analysis. CDA examines how discourse structures enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce or challenge relations of power and dominance in society. (van Dijk 2001, 353.) The present study is driven to answer the following research question – what strategies were used in the legitimation of the economic sanctions imposed on Russia in the chosen news media articles? The results will eventually reveal the two stories on the legitimation process of the sanctions against Russia, from Finnish and Russian perspectives. The research data consists of articles which were published in Finnish Talouselämä and Russian Kommersant between March 2014 and March 2015. Legitimation is considered being the process by which speakers recognize a type of positive, beneficial social behavior in a specific situation. (Vaara & Tienari 2008; Vaara 2009; van Dijk 1998; Van Leeuwen & Wodak 1999; Reyes 2011, 782.) Vaara and Monin explain that delegitimation in turn means establishing a sense of negative, morally intolerable action. (Vaara & Monin 2010, 6.) This master's thesis consists of four main parts which are theoretical framework, methodology, research findings and then discussion. The results of the critical discourse analysis show that Finnish discourse highlights the rational reasoning of sanctions harming the economy but however along the European Union Finland imposes sanctions, after all the annexation of Crimea is against the international principles of integrity of a sovereign state. The Russian discourse emphasizes the fact how economic sanctions will not affect the foreign policy of Russia, actually many quotes show that some authorities explain Russia to become stronger due to imposed sanctions which will make Russia to activate in domestic food producing industries.

This article analyzes and discusses the objectives of the sanctions implemented by the European Union against Russia and Russian countermeasures against EU member states in 2014-2015, by comparing the official aims with the options expressed in theoretical debates and experiences gained from historical lessons. In principle, the study seeks an answer to the question: what could be realistically achieved as a result of the current form of restricted sanctions and what stays beyond their reach. Methodologically, this article focuses on the evaluation of the ability of theoretical models to explain the logic of anti-Russian sanctions and debates the options of the outcomes of current formation of sanctions in light of theoretical models.

Economic sanctions are a frequent instrument of foreign policy. In a diplomatic conflict, they aim to elicit a change in the policies of foreign governments by damaging their economy. However, sanctions are not costless for the sending economy, where domestic firms involved in business with the target countries might incur economic damages. This paper evaluates these costs in terms of export losses of the diplomatic crisis that started in 2014 between the Russian Federation and 37 countries, (including the United States, the EU, and Japan) over the Ukrainian conflict for the implicated countries. We first gauge the impact of the sanctions' regime using a structural gravity framework and quantify the trade losses in a general equilibrium counterfactual analysis. We estimate this loss at US$114 billion from 2014 until the end of 2015, with US$ 44 billion being borne by sanctioning Western countries. Interestingly, we find that the bulk of the impact stems from products that are not directly targeted by Russian retaliations (taking the form of an embargo on imports of agricultural products). This result suggests that most of the losses are not attributable to the Russian retaliation but to Western sanctions. We then investigate the underlying mechanism at the firm level using French customs data. Results indicate that neither consumer boycotts nor perceived country risk can account for the decline in exports of products that are not targeted by the Russian embargo. Instead, the disruption of the provision of trade finance services is found to have played an important role.

SUMMARY
Economic sanctions are a frequently used instrument of foreign policy. In a diplomatic conflict, they aim to elicit a change in the policies of a foreign government by damaging their economy. Sanctions, however, are also likely to affect the sanctioning country. This paper evaluates these costs, in terms of export losses, for the diplomatic crisis between the Russian Federation and 37 countries over the conflict in Ukraine that started in 2014. We first gauge the impact of the diplomatic conflict using a traditional trade framework and quantify the trade losses in a general equilibrium counterfactual analysis. Losses for the Russian Federation amount to US$53 billion or 7.4% of predicted total exports from 2014 until the end of 2015. Western sanctioning countries, however, have also been impacted with an estimated loss of US$42 billion, 0.3% of their total exports. Interestingly, we find that the bulk of the impact stems from products that are not directly targeted by Russian retaliation, an effect that we coin friendly fire – an unintended, largely self-inflicted cost for Western sanctioning countries. We investigate the underlying mechanism at the product- and firm-level data. Results indicate that the drop of Western exports has not been driven by a change in Russian consumers' preferences, but mainly by an increase in country risk affecting international transactions with Russia.

"This book is a uniquely accessible discussion of the sanctions and international trade measures deployed against Russia following its 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The book situates the sanctions response within its historical and economic backgrounds"--

This report studies the impact of Western sanctions imposed on Russia since 2014 over the crisis in Ukraine. Providing a European point of view, the report also makes recommendations as to how sanctions could be used effectively and efficiently to produce a diplomatic settlement of the crisis.

Sanctions have become part of the Russian economic landscape since the crisis in Ukraine broke out in December 2013. They have had an impact on the Russian economy, but have yet to change the situation in Ukraine. One possible area for new sanctions is in the field of oil exports. In this issue brief, Richard Nephew, a fellow at the Center on Global Energy Policy and program director for economic statecraft, sanctions and energy markets, examines the possible role that an oil export reduction strategy could play in Russia. In noting the pitfalls and complications, he argues that such a strategy could be part of the overall approach to Russia, but that both different sanctions measures and a holistic approach to Russia-Ukraine policy are necessary for any effort to be successful.

The objective of this study was to analyze the relationship between economic sanctions and regional differences within Russia from three perspectives: regional favoritism of the political elite, industry development, and trade costs. Using the nighttime lights in Russia, we found a correlation between economic sanctions and regional differences. First, as sanctions increased, the lights of Moscow, St. Petersburg, and provincial capitals were brighter than those of the rest of the country. Second, the lights of manufacturing cities were brighter as sanctions increased. However, under the influence of sanctions, the lights of mining areas of Russia were dimmer than those of other areas. Finally, there were relatively more economic activities in areas close to the Chinese border. The lights of Blagoveshchensk were brighter than that of the rest of the country. In addition, the relationship between economic sanctions and the brightness of lights had the characteristics of stages. There was a negative correlation with the brightness of Russian lights in the early stages of economic sanctions. However, this negative correlation disappeared in the later stages.